Tag Archives: united-states
Africa: U.S., Sweden, Bank Launch Fund to Spur African Agriculture
BY KATHRYN MCCONNELL, 9 MAY 2013 Washington — The United States, Sweden and the African Development Bank have launched a fund to encourage accelerated private investment in sub-Saharan Africa’s agricultural infrastructure to connect small farmers with international markets. Announced May 9 in Cape Town, South Africa, at the Grow Africa Investment Forum, the fund — called Agriculture Fast Track — will be funded by $15 million from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and $10 million from the government of Sweden. It was developed with support from USAID and will be managed by the African Development Bank. The fund will focus on countries that are part of the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, an initiative launched in 2012 at the G8 Camp David Summit near Washington. Through the New Alliance, the G8 major industrialized nations, African countries and the private sector aim to help lift 50 million people in sub-Saharan Africa out of poverty by 2022 by supporting agricultural development. The New Alliance matches market-oriented reforms in the African member countries of Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia with $3.7 billion of planned private investments in the agriculture sector. (Mali is under review.) “Since the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition was founded last year, we’ve seen member countries make serious reforms that have led to real progress,” said USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah. “The launch of the Agriculture Fast Track allows African farmers to take advantage of these reforms through fast-tracked infrastructure projects that will better deliver their products to markets.” Global food demand is expected to grow by as much as 60 percent by 2050, USAID says. With 60 percent of the world’s untilled arable land, predominantly farm-based economies, plentiful natural resources, significant gains in technology and private investment, Africa has the potential to feed not just its own people but others as well. Improved roads, ports and rail lines are critically needed to achieve that, USAID says. Grow Africa is a partnership that seeks to accelerate investments and change in African agriculture based on national agricultural priorities. It says that for Africa to reduce poverty and food insecurity, partners need to renew and increase their commitments to work together and to integrate what they’ve learned to ensure that their investments are inclusive, sustainable and transformative. USAID and Grow Africa support the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development established by the African Union in 2003. Continue reading
They Myth Of Energy Independence
By Bryan Walsh , TIME May 10, 2013 — Updated 1242 GMT (2042 HKT) | Filed under: Innovations The United States’ energy transformation has many drivers beyond fracking, “energy wonk” Michael Levi says. STORY HIGHLIGHTS Michael Levi wrote “The Power Surge: Energy, Opportunity and the Battle for America’s Future” The idea of energy independence is “rarely more than a slogan,” Levi says Levi: “Local environmental desires” run up against what benefits the whole country (TIME) — Michael Levi is my favorite energy wonk — and not just because we both had to endure waiting for hours in the cold outside the 2009 United Nations climate-change conference in Copenhagen. (Though he got in first.) Levi, the senior fellow for energy and the environment at the Council on Foreign Relations, is a smart, pragmatic observer of the energy wars — and he’s an excellent blogger. He knows how to cut through specious arguments on both sides of the energy-and-climate debate while keeping in target the bigger challenges facing the United States and the world. Levi has a new book out on the energy debate called “The Power Surge: Energy, Opportunity and the Battle for America’s Future.” It’s one of the best analyses of the amazing changes taking place in the energy sphere today, touching on everything from fracking to climate change to the Keystone XL pipeline debate. I had a chance to talk with him about Canadian oil sands, the myth of energy independence and why we need a negotiated peace settlement to end the energy wars. We’ve seen other energy revolutions go through a boom and bust cycle. What makes this moment different? Two things make this moment special. The first is the diversity of changes that are happening. This isn’t just one isolated area. Today you’ve got booming production of oil, natural gas. You have oil consumption, rapidly falling, rising renewable energy. It’s not just one boom, it’s several at the same time. The other thing is that there are multiple forces driving the change. In oil it’s not just fracking, it’s expanded offshore drilling. In renewables, it’s not just one technology. It’s wind, it’s solar, both centralized and distributed. On the car front, it is everything from better traditional engines to electric vehicles and natural gas for long-distance trucking. So when you have multiple trends and drivers, the transformation is more robust. Your point is that the best future for America is to capitalize all the options: renewable, oil and gas, efficiency, reduced consumption. How can those things coexist? frack or not to frack Take expanded oil production and reduced oil consumption. To tackle climate and oil, what we really need to do is reduce oil consumption. That’s where vulnerability stems from. You can reduce consumption and increase production the same time. You balance with lower imports. When someone says expanded U.S. production will lead to greatly increased global consumption and cause intolerable climate change, you have to ask what kind of increased global consumption do you need so that damage to the climate occurs. To get people to use more oil, the oil has to be cheaper. If we don’t believe that increasing U.S. oil production will do much to decrease oil prices, and I think that’s still the consensus, we can’t simultaneously believe it is disastrous for the climate. We can also talk about the electricity world. Abundant natural gas makes the economics of renewables a bit more challenging. But fundamentally, that’s not the big barrier to renewable-energy growth. It is still cost and the question of government policy. But there are ways for renewable energy and natural gas to work together. Renewable energy is delivered inconsistently, while natural gas can be turned on and off rapidly to fill in those gaps. I don’t want to suggest that you can have absolutely everything. There are conflicts. But we are better off when we focus on the real tensions between different sources instead of imagined tensions. There are enough real decisions we need to make that we don’t need to spend our time focused on imagined ones. What are the real tensions? The first big place is on local environmental concerns and squaring them with national goals. Whether it is hydraulic fracturing (fracking) for natural gas or large solar arrays in the desert where people want to protect land, our local environmental desires run up against the developments that can benefit us nationally. We need an intelligent informed conversation about that. On oil production and consumption, in the near term reducing U.S. oil demand doesn’t have a big impact on prices. You can square increased production with lower consumption. In the long run, if you want to tackle climate change, you will need lower oil consumption, and that will affect U.S. oil production. But that’s a longer-term issue. On the renewable-energy front, natural gas is displacing coal rather than renewable power. It cuts emissions but does pose a risk to renewable-energy growth and the development of that technology. If we don’t guard against that, we could find ourselves in 10 to 15 years regretting we didn’t develop renewables earlier. We talk about energy independence, but you make the case that oil is sold on a global market. Is energy independence anything more than just a slogan? It is rarely more than a slogan. People use the phrase energy independence as shorthand for producing as much oil as you consume. That’s reasonable, but you need to be careful not to read into that something much bigger, that we will actually be independent of events overseas. I have found it extraordinary to see analyst after analyst start taking about energy independence as if it’s a real thing that insulates us from foreign events. That’s not true. If in 1973 we could have produced as much oil as we consumed, the impact would have been enormous. We didn’t have a free-flowing market for oil, or a petroleum reserve as we do now. But the world is different now, and what happens today is important and valuable but doesn’t solve the problem that existed then. Does that go for those in the renewable-energy community who make the same claim that we need to become energy independent? If you don’t use oil, you are considerably more energy independent than if you do. Oil prices can go up, and if you don’t use oil, it doesn’t hurt you directly. Those who say we can become more energy secure by reducing demand for oil have a stronger platform. But it takes a long time to reduce demand. You can increase oil production faster than you can cut oil use in cars and trucks because the typical car stays on the road for 15 years or longer. It takes a long time to turn the fleet over. Where people are stuck in the 1970s is the idea that wind or solar can get us off foreign oil. In the 1970s we used a lot of oil in power plants. But today we don’t, and renewable power does not get us off oil. We often here about the national-security benefits of Canadian oil sands. Are those claims accurate? The security benefits of more Canadian oil production have been greatly overblown. They are not zero. In a military crisis it would be better to have more oil close to home, but I don’t think we’ll get into that kind of extended crisis. But when it comes to volatile global prices of oil, Canadian oil doesn’t give us a special benefit. When Libya went haywire two years ago, Canadian oil went up more than Mideast oil did. But expanded Canadian production does help keep the price of oil down a little bit, and that helps the economy. There are real climate damages from Canadian oil, but the climate damage and the economic and security benefits are small. It’s trite to say this is more a symbolic debate than a meaningful one, but it is. The real impacts are local, where the oil is produced in Alberta, and those are issues that Canadians struggle with all the time. The U.S. has plenty of environmental challenges of its own without getting wrapped around Alberta’s environmental issues. So how do we get these two sides of the energy debate working together? We’re not going to have a world where the Sierra Club and Exxon sing “Kumbaya” together. But ultimately both sides can get more from an approach that capitalizes on developments across the board than in just trying to beat the other side down. That doesn’t mean a grand national-energy plan. It means starting with small but real deals that allow the two sides to work together, as we did in [the energy legislation of] 2005 and 2007. I’m drawn to things like reforming the way we do environmental permitting for energy development, whether it’s oil and gas or renewables. People who want to transform the energy system should be able to do it. I like the president’s Energy Security Trust, where you use some oil-and-gas revenues to fund renewable-energy research and development. But it’s frustrating because people who for decades talk of oil production being transformational now say, if you spend a couple hundred million a year of the revenues from that, it’s not worth drilling. If oil production is as transformational as they claim, it should be worth it even if you just took that money and burnt it. And on the flip side, those who talk about the importance of innovation say the deal is not worth it because we can’t take any more oil and gas development. People should focus on what they can gain rather than fixating on what they lose. 2005 and 2007. I’m drawn to things like reforming the way we do environmental permitting for energy development, whether it’s oil and gas or renewables. People who want to transform the energy system should be able to do it. I like the president’s Energy Security Trust, where you use some oil-and-gas revenues to fund renewable-energy research and development. But it’s frustrating because people who for decades talk of oil production being transformational now say, if you spend a couple hundred million a year of the revenues from that, it’s not worth drilling. If oil production is as transformational as they claim, it should be worth it even if you just took that money and burnt it. And on the flip side, those who talk about the importance of innovation say the deal is not worth it because we can’t take any more oil and gas development. People should focus on what they can gain rather than fixating on what they lose. On the environmental side of things, there’s a desire for elemental change in energy that stems from serious fear of climate change. How scared are you? Before I started spending my time on energy and climate, I spent most of it working on national security issues. I wrote a book on nuclear terrorism. In that world you think about risks. When people give me the median projections of what will happen on climate change, some of them scare me, and some wouldn’t push me to put climate change on top of the list. What really worries me are the lower probability but higher-consequence outcomes. There are some people who say we can’t focus on those events, but to me, that is the job of government. It is not to optimize society. It is to protect people against big risks that they can’t handle themselves. And climate change is one of those big risks. I’m not in the camp that if you don’t follow my plan, we’ll all die, but I do believe this is a top-tier issue. And not because of the certainties but because of the risks. What are energy policies that to you seem effective and politically doable? I try to stay away from specific policies. Too often we jump right to policies and fight over the details without stepping back and asking about what kind of future we want. The Keystone debate is an example — we have all these fights over the details, but the question is really, ‘Do we want more oil or less?’ But in the near term, I’d like to see money taken from oil and gas and put into clean energy. I’d like to see a better way to do permitting, including for new pipelines and power lines. And given the roadblocks in Congress on pricing of carbon, I’d like to see an effort to use the Clean Air Act to reduce emissions in the power sector. But as we go further out, the big pieces that we need are to make people pay a penalty if they pollute, so the market can drive us toward lower emissions. We need to clamp down on excessive oil consumption, because we still use too much. And we should take steps to expand access but also improve regulations so we can sustainably grow oil-and-gas production without endangering people or creating a backlash. Is cap and trade still an option for you? We’ve seen a lot of problems with the Emissions Trading Scheme in the European Union. I think people have misread what happened in Europe. People don’t want stricter standards for greenhouse gas emissions. Because of that, carbon prices are low. Too many observers have said this is because cap and trade is flawed. The problem isn’t the machine, the problem is the political willingness to take action. People focus on the policy machinery and not on whether people actually want to do things. Transparent and flexible policies are essential to making big cuts in emissions. You are talking about big economic transitions when you get serious about climate change, and we aren’t smart enough to know how that should proceed. That means you do need to eventually use tools that allow the market to do a lot of it, and whether that is cap and trade or a carbon tax or something else is secondary, as long as you have something flexible. Each side in energy debate seems to be able to stop each other more than they can promote their own agenda. Will that ever change? Hope springs eternal. But what scares me is that this isn’t just a pattern from the last few years, but from the last 40 years. In the 1980s, opponents of drilling were very good at getting offshore drilling constrained, and opponents of clean energy were good at shutting down programs for renewable power. But that didn’t do great things for us as a country. If we get back to a point in American politics where people are willing to agree on things, I hope people who care about energy and climate have answers for them that they can embrace. If you don’t have a good idea about what you actually want to ask for on energy, you can have all the bipartisan enthusiasm you can get, but you won’t make real progress. Continue reading
G8 Under Pressure To Rethink Biofuel Mandates
Published 08 May 2013 EXCLUSIVE / Leaders of the EU and their partners in the G8 nations are under mounting pressure to reconsider their support for biofuel targets amid concern that plant oil production competes with food output in poor countries. Britain, which chairs the G8 this year, is holding a global meeting on nutrition and food on 8 June, a week before the regular G8 summit in Northern Ireland. Prime Minister David Cameron has pledged to make trade, tax enforcement and transparency priorities for the summit. These points are expected to be noted on Wednesday (8 May) in the Queen’s Speech, which outlines the government’s parliamentary agenda for the year. But concerns are already emerging about whether the G8 – which includes two major biofuel champions, the United States and the EU – should agree to reconsider fuel policies as part of their commitments to fight world hunger. Among those questioning the policies are a British parliamentary select committee and the Enough Food for Everyone, or IF campaign, which includes some 200 British and international groups lobbying to reduce world hunger. Barry Johnston, the UK political advisor for Christian Aid, which is part of the IF campaign, said he was hopeful the G8 would acknowledge biofuel production “as a significant issue” and agree to shed more light on large land transactions in developing countries that are increasingly the leading source of plant oils. “One of the structural issues that underlies the fact that one in eight people go to be bed hungry every night is that land is being bought up, whole strips of it, in ways that aren’t very transparent, deals that don’t show a benefit for local populations and in some cases, they are directly taking food out of the mouths of people and putting into cars in the EU,” he said in a telephone interview on Tuesday (7 May). “So there’s a moral imperative to act there. Consumption that happens in the West in richer countries has a direct impact on the ability of individuals to feed themselves in poorer countries, and that can’t continue at current rates.” IF campaigners are also urging G8 leaders to build on recent momentum in Europe and the United States to combat tax evasion, which the campaigners estimate costs developing nations some €122 billion per year – more than total development aid. Besides Britain, the G8 members are Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the United States. The EU is represented at the summits by the presidents of the EU Council and Commission, Herman Van Rompuy and José Manuel Barroso. Only Japan and Russia have not set biofuel targets for transport. Concerns about food security A British Parliament select committee is preparing to wrap up its enquiry into world hunger and food security ahead the summit. At recent hearings, Westminster lawmakers questioned the impact of EU-driven policies on biofuel, especially on developing nations. Malcolm Bruce, chairman of the House of Commons’ International Development Committee, grilled the undersecretary of state of transport, Norman Baker, about the EU policies. “What we have heard in the evidence so far is a pretty overwhelming view that the existing [biofuel] mandate should be scrapped,” Bruce said at hearing on 18 April. “The people who have given evidence to us say it is distorting, dysfunctional and it should be scrapped,” Bruce said, according to a Commons transcript. “That seems to be all the evidence. Everybody we have had has said it should be scrapped, so why is it not being scrapped, or at least radically changed?” Baker and other government representatives were asked whether Cameron would be addressing the potential impact of biofuel demand on food output, and foreign purchases of land in sub-Saharan Africa for agri-oil production. The undersecretary for international development, Lynne Featherstone, said the British government supported development of biofuel that did not compete with food crops or production. In testimony before the committee, she also said the government would seek greater transparency in land deals in developing nations. “Our aim is to secure agreement from major G8 investors to commit to publish data on land acquisitions, and make that accessible to local communities, whether it is biofuels, commercial investments or China buying some land with an eye to in future feeding the Chinese rather than the Africans, which is always the fear that has arisen,” Featherstone said. Defending biofuel mandates Farm groups and the biofuel industry have hit back at their critics, saying plant-based fuels give farmers new markets while helping to reduce carbon emissions. They also deny any direct links to food price volatility, noting that the two main transport fuels produced from plant oil – ethanol and biodiesel – did not exist during the wild food price fluctuations of the 1970s. The industry is pressured the EU not to back away from its longtime support for alternative fuels after the European Commission last year called for halving its target of 10% biofuel use in transport by 2020 in response to a spike in food costs and concern about the environmental impact of plant-oil cultivation in developing nations. One of Europe’s leading biofuel industry groups, ePure, points out that ethanol uses post-food residues for fuel production. The industry also says it is moving ahead with development of advanced biofuels that do not compete with food crops. European farm groups, including the influential Copa-Cogeca, have denounced moves to reverse the EU’s biofuel commitments, saying they hurt farmers and jeopardise investments in oil production. But acknowledging potential impacts on developing nations, Copa-Cogeca has urged the EU to “encourage the introduction of effective environmental legislation in third countries in order to prevent the phenomenon of land use change.” POSITIONS: The United Nations’ special rapporteur on food rights, Olivier De Schutter, wants the EU to scrap its binding targets for fuel, saying the policies drive up food prices and push production to developing nations because of insufficient land within the EU. “The impacts on these countries are overwhelmingly negative and are alleged to infringe on the realisation of the human right to adequate food,” the Belgian lawyer said in a statement on 23 April. He has also linked biofuel demand to food price spikes and urged the EU to rethink its Common Agricultural Policy, saying its subsidies and support for European growers undermine farmers in less-developed regions. Citing the estimated €122 billion believed to be lost every year through tax avoidance and tax evasion in developing nations, Barry Johnston, the UK political advisor for Christian Aid, a charity group, said: “That is more than the global flow of aid into the developing world. Just through tax dodging alone, we see poor countries are net contributors to the rich world. The G8 has taken action on this before, it’s looked at the issue and made recommendations but this year we want to see concrete outcomes. So we’re pushing for measures there that will benefit developing countries and what that does it releases significant amounts of resources for investment in agriculture and nutrition.” NEXT STEPS: 28 May: World Hunger Day 8 June: British government hosting meeting on growth and nutrition ahead of the G8 summit 17-18 June: G8 Summit at Fermanagh, Northern Ireland Continue reading




