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Farmers Land Carbon Credits

Changes to how land sector emissions are reported under the Kyoto Protocol are expected to benefit farmers and rural landholders who will gain greater access to Australia’s carbon markets.    The changes announced in the 2013-14 Budget will see the Government formally account for cropland management, grazing land management and revegetation in its national greenhouse gas inventory.    Parliamentary Secretary for Climate Change, Industry and Innovation, Yvette D’Ath said the decision meant when a landholder stored carbon in soils or vegetation, their efforts would count towards Australia meeting its national greenhouse gas reduction target.    Ms D’Ath said the changes would mean methodologies developed under the Carbon Farming Initiative (CFI) which covered those activities would be able to generate Kyoto-compliant CFI credits.    She said since businesses with obligations under the carbon pricing mechanism could buy and surrender those as offsets against their liabilities, participating farmers now had new buyers for abatement projects on their land.    “This is a win for everyone,” Ms D’Ath said.    “Liable firms will have more flexibility in how they meet their obligations and farmers can now benefit from new buyers and greater access to Australia’s carbon markets.”    She said accounting for those land sector emissions would broaden the base of the CFI, and, by extension, Australia’s carbon pricing mechanism.    “A broad base will reduce the overall cost of Australia meeting its international emissions reduction commitments,” she said. Edition 361f, 17 May 2013 Continue reading

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Analysis: Airline Emissions Deal May Not Come Before EU Deadline

Hope is fading for a global deal to regulate the airline industry’s greenhouse gas emissions ahead of a fall deadline, even though failure could push the industry back to the brink of a trade war over the European Union’s emissions trading system. Last November the EU suspended its controversial scheme to force all airlines to buy carbon credits for any flight arriving in or departing from European airspace. The scheme had pitted European states against China, the United States, India and others, who said it violated their sovereignty. The EU said it had to act, after more than a decade of inaction on the environmental impact of aviation. European officials gave the United Nations’ agency that governs aviation, the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), more time to craft a compromise in the form of a global regulatory regime. They have vowed to bring their own programme back into force unless they see real progress by the ICAO assembly, which runs September 24 to October 4. The assembly, which would have to approve any global regime, meets only once every three years. But there is still disagreement on how to charge for emissions from flights that cross borders; how to deal fairly with developing countries; and whether airlines, states or both should be subject to regulation. All those issues have stalled efforts to reach a compromise. “Think of aviation as a microcosm of the big geopolitical process,” said Paul Steele, executive director of the industry group Air Transport Action Group and one of the technical experts who has advised ICAO on the issue. The group, a coalition of some 50 plane makers, airlines and narrower associations like Airports Council International, wants a global emissions regime, not a messy and expensive “patchwork” of systems around the world. Steele said lack of progress on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the UN’s main climate treaty and home of the Kyoto Protocol, may be holding back talks at ICAO. That treaty and ICAO’s process are legally independent, but inevitably, they are linked by politics. Take “common but differentiated responsibilities,” an argument that developed countries should shoulder most of the burden of cutting emissions. That has been a key sticking point at ICAO, as Reuters first reported last year. Steele said some countries fear that if they compromise at ICAO, it will prejudice broader talks ahead of 2015, when climate negotiators hope to clinch a new deal to cut emissions under the UN Framework Convention. And so, even as aviation industry leaders urge ICAO to hammer out a deal, talks at a high-profile ICAO committee have effectively broken down, and a key member of the agency’s governing council has said a resolution may not be ready in time for the assembly. That could escalate the conflict, especially since a US law signed in November prohibits any US airline from complying with the EU law. And while China partially lifted a retaliatory blockade of some $11 billion in Airbus jet orders last month, a new chapter in the conflict could put those orders at risk. High level fizzle ICAO has quietly set standards and rules on everything from cargo safety to air traffic control since 1944, reaching deals between countries that may agree on very little, aside from the value of keeping planes in the sky. But on climate change, the diplomats posted to Montreal are part of a fraught and complex geopolitical conflict that has little to do with planes. They seem to have recognised as much last fall, when talks at ICAO’s governing council stalled. Seeking to break the impasse, they convened a new group, which Kerryn Macaulay, Australia’s council representative, recently said was to include “some of the decision-makers in government” who might be able to hash out compromises. It was the creation of that “high-level group” that the EU cited when it suspended its scheme. It was just a new committee, but it was seen as a sign of good faith, and an opportunity to get a deal. But as Macaulay told a conference hosted by the Air Transport Action Group in Montreal on May 13, the high-level group made little progress. Quite the opposite: “In some areas there has been a risk of reopening old issues that the council in fact was recently settled on.” It is not clear if the high-level group will meet again, and the ICAO governing council is now working on a draft resolution in which very little has been agreed. “We will continue to work on that resolution, if and when necessary up to the day before the assembly,” Macaulay said, adding that it still may not be ready in time. “Not what we expected” -EU But even if a resolution is ready for the assembly, it may attempt to rein in the EU system, rather than establishing a global alternative, as European officials had hoped. ICAO’s process is split into two threads: looking for a global “market-based measure” to cut emissions, like a cap and trade system or carbon offsetting; and a “framework” document that lays out how market-based measures should be implemented. Some see a “framework” only governing local or regional systems like the EU’s, and not resolving any disputes on how to implement a global scheme. A draft framework proposed by the United States early this year, and obtained by Reuters, would limit the geographical reach of emissions systems. Lourdes Maurice, executive director for environment and energy at the US Federal Aviation Administration, said last week that the United States wants the framework to take a “national or regional airspace approach,” where countries or blocs would only regulate emissions in their own airspace. That would put about 80 per cent of emissions from aviation out of reach of national or regional carbon taxes, Macaulay said, as many flights are over international waters. But Elina Bardram, responsible for carbon markets in the aviation and maritime sectors for the European Commission’s climate division, said a proposal that did not do anything meaningful to protect the environment is “not what we expected.” Continue reading

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Ethanol: Logic Of Circular Biofuel Trade Comes Into Question

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/e4baefbe-b0d6-11e2-9f24-00144feabdc0.html#ixzz2TSTQBQ4m By Greg Meyer Despite having the world’s biggest ethanol industry, the US imported 9.6m barrels of the biofuel from Brazil last year. Brazil, the ethanol pioneer, imported 2m barrels from the US. The US and Brazil, the giants of the market, together produce 87 per cent of the world’s output, according to analysts FO Licht. The US product is largely distilled from corn, while Brazil makes ethanol from its sugar cane crop. For the engine of a car, the two vintages are virtually identical. Yet in the eyes of the law they are quite distinct. This helps explain why the US and Brazil are shipping one another ethanol at great expense rather than simply using it at home. Washington is weaning its domestic ethanol industry off subsidies. In 2011 a tax credit for ethanol blenders expired, as did a corresponding import tariff. But the industry still has the support of a government mandate requiring domestic ethanol consumption to grow each year. The mandate is indirectly helping to drive imports from Brazil. The mandate, known as the renewable fuel standard, is split between volumes for traditional corn-based ethanol and “advanced biofuels” whose production releases less greenhouse gas impacts than ploughing fields for grain. Corn ethanol has the biggest share, but the advanced biofuel requirement is growing more rapidly. US production of advanced biofuels has not matched government expectations. To meet the mandate, fuel companies are allowed to import sugar cane ethanol, mainly from Brazil. The US Environmental Protection Agency estimates about 15.9m barrels of sugar ethanol imports will be needed this year. “As the mandate grows, ethanol imports rise accordingly,” say economists at the University of Missouri’s Food and Agricultural Policy Research Institute. Another US policy encouraging Brazil to export ethanol is set by California. The state, known for standard-setting vehicular pollution controls, welcomes the use of sugar cane ethanol to satisfy its low carbon fuel standard programme. In the reverse direction, US ethanol exports to Brazil are well below a peak of 9.4m barrels reached in 2011 when the South American country suffered poor sugar harvests. The Brazilian ethanol industry has also been hurt by domestic government policies that have kept petrol prices artificially low to fight inflation. This year, Brasilia raised the required ethanol blending rate to 25 per cent from 20 per cent of motor fuel in a bid to help the domestic biofuel industry. But imports from the US are expected to continue nonetheless. The US corn-based ethanol industry has more capacity than needed for a domestic fuel market where demand is weak and most fuel companies refuse to blend more than 10 per cent ethanol with petrol. Brazilian imports arriving under the advanced biofuels mandate further add to supplies. So a portion of the relatively cheap, unwanted corn ethanol barrels flows back to Brazil. The Energy Information Administration, in a note last year, called it a “complex environment” where blenders and ethanol producers “not only have to produce enough corn ethanol to meet the overall renewable fuels mandate, but … must also import significant volumes of sugar cane ethanol to meet the advanced biofuel mandate, all in the face of demand constraints”. The American and Brazilian ethanol industries are squaring off as regulators consider how to apportion this year’s US ethanol mandate. The Renewable Fuels Association, the main US corn-based ethanol lobby, argues the EPA should lower the advanced biofuels mandate to insure against unreliable supplies from Brazil. Furthermore, tight corn stocks and slowing output suggest the US may not be able to export as much ethanol as in years past, the association says. The circular trade between the companies is “economically absurd”, the RFA added. Unica, the Brazilian sugar cane industry group, contends that the US should uphold its advanced biofuel targets, which would support ethanol imports from Brazil. “The fact that there is two-way trade in ethanol between the US and Brazil demonstrates both the complexity and success of government intervention into fuel markets,” Unica wrote to the EPA in April. There is nonetheless an irony in the fact that biofuels promoted to reduce greenhouse gases are being ferried between the US and Brazil in ships belching petroleum exhaust. As the EPA notes: “This two-way trade of ethanol engenders additional transport-related emissions.” Continue reading

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